Mr. Trump’s consolidation of control over foreign policy into a small group of envoys has raised concern among some national security analysts about his dealings with Iran. The U.S. has been without a special envoy to Iran since Mr. Trump took office in January.

“One need not have a special envoy to have an effective Iran policy, but I think it sends an important political signal,” says Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior director at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Iran Program. National Security reporter Vaughn Cockayne offers a deeper dive, writing that while the president has appointed emissaries for negotiating with U.S. adversaries, critics in the foreign affairs community warn that the group is too small amid diplomatic crises and wars churning around the world.

For some experts, the Iran nuclear issue is too important for Mr. Trump not to have a dedicated team. Alex Vatanka, director of the Iran program at the Middle East Institute, said the White House has not communicated a clear vision for what U.S.-Iran relations should look like. 

U.S. allies such as Slovakia and Hungary have opposed or watered down European Union sanctions on Moscow and continue buying Russian oil, despite Mr. Trump’s insistence on a 100% ban in exchange for heavy U.S. sanctions on Russia. NATO member Turkey, meanwhile, is the third-largest importer of Russian fossil fuels, behind China and India.

Mr. Trump’s demand on Europe is creating stickiness with conservative NATO allies on the EU’s periphery. Hungary has traditionally blamed the EU — not Mr. Trump — for trying to limit ongoing Hungarian purchases of Russian oil and natural gas. EU bureaucrats “are pushing decisions that put Slovaks and Hungarians in a difficult position,” Hungarian Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto said in a post on X last week.

The post came before Mr. Trump lamented on Truth Social over the weekend that NATO’s commitment to win in Ukraine has been “far less than 100%” and cited the ongoing purchases of Russian fossil fuels by NATO allies. “It greatly weakens your negotiating position and bargaining power over Russia,” Mr. Trump wrote.

The Pentagon is moving quickly to develop and deploy new advanced nuclear-capable bombers, with a second B-21 Raider test aircraft arriving last week at Edwards Air Force Base in California. The development allows personnel to move beyond an initial set of flight performance checks to more advanced tests involving critical mission systems and weapons integration.

The B-21, manufactured by Northrop Grumman, is viewed as a crucial piece of the Air Force’s modernization and of its slate of future capabilities. Northrop describes the aircraft as “an unrivaled stealth bomber,” one capable of operating in extreme weather conditions and virtually any environment.

The aircraft can carry conventional or nuclear payloads, meaning it will play a central role in the military’s broader push to modernize its nuclear capabilities. Gen. David W. Allvin, the Air Force chief of staff, described the B-21 in a statement as “a cornerstone of our strategic nuclear modernization.”

The western African nation of Mauritania is poised to play a key role in kick-starting the stalled Abraham Accords two decades after severing ties with Israel.

Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Ghazouani and Mr. Netanyahu reportedly held a discreet meeting on July 9, sparking fresh speculation that Mauritania may be next in line to join the accords, which were a diplomatic achievement of the first Trump administration.

“Bringing Mauritania into the Abraham Accords would extend stability into the Sahel, a region increasingly vulnerable to jihadist extremism, Russian interference and economic fragility,” says former British Defense Secretary Liam Fox.

Rida Lyammouri, senior fellow at the Policy Center for the New South, says that “with the U.S. influence and interests in the Sahel in decline, entertaining good economic and security relations with Mauritania is one way for the U.S. to maintain some influence in the region, especially with increased competition from Russia and China.”

Mr. Trump “was right to lament that the Resolution Copper mine in Arizona has been held up by lawsuits and administrative delays,” former National Security Adviser Robert C. O’Brien writes in The Washington Times. He asserts that “if America wants to compete with China, we must free ourselves from these costly delays.

“Our defense systems depend on critical minerals such as copper for aircraft carriers and submarines, navigational chips for guided missiles, and circuitry for artificial-intelligence-enhanced F-35 pilot helmets and military ground vehicles,” Mr. O’Brien writes. “The metal’s exceptional electrical conductivity and durability also make it indispensable to critical infrastructure that supports the American economy, energy security and public health. Without it, America is defenseless and helpless.

“It is unfortunate that the Arizona underground mining project has been significantly delayed,” he writes. “The project would produce a significant amount of safe and reliable American copper and thousands of American jobs. The delay and continued fighting give China a strategic advantage.”

• Sept. 15 — Competing Visions of the Regional Order in the Middle East, Chatham House

• Sept. 15 — Securing America’s Technological Edge: A Conversation with U.S. Patent and Trademark Office Acting Director Coke Stewart, Hudson Institute

• Sept. 16-17 — Defense Tech Valley International Investment Summit, Ukraine

• Sept. 17 — New Visions for Grand Strategy, Stimson Center

• Sept. 20-21 — AFA National Convention 2025, Air & Space Forces Association

• Sept. 22-23 — Cyber Defense Summit 25, Mandiant & Google Threat Intelligence

• Sept. 23-25 — National Cyber Summit

• Sept. 23-27 and Sept. 29 — U.N. General Assembly 2025: General Debate, United Nations