OPINION:
With U.S. nuclear talks with Iran effectively dead following Israel’s precision strike on Iranian nuclear enrichment sites and targeted killing of senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps commanders, the strategic value of a steady, trustworthy Kurdish ally amid Iran’s escalating retaliation is more urgent than ever.
Israel’s “Operation Rising Lion” is dismantling Iran’s regional proxy networks and reshaping the Middle East’s strategic map — so momentum is once again building behind the Abraham Accords. The recent push by President Trump — urging Syria’s de facto leader Ahmad al-Sharaa to join the normalization framework during a visit to Saudi Arabia — signals that expansion is on the agenda. Reports suggest that discreet contacts between Israeli and Syrian representatives are already underway.
Yet there is another actor in the region, long overlooked, whose inclusion in the Abraham Accords would be both symbolically powerful and strategically sound: the Kurds.
The Abraham Accords aim to promote peace by fostering cooperation, normalization and mutual recognition among nations in the Middle East. The Kurdish nation — spread across Iraq, Syria, Turkey and Iran — has already demonstrated commitment to regional stability. The Kurds played a frontline role in the defeat of the Islamic State group through their membership in the International Coalition Against Daesh, bearing disproportionate sacrifices to dismantle extremist networks that threatened the entire world. In both Kurdistani regions — in Iraq and Syria — Kurdish forces were and continue to be instrumental in stabilizing liberated territories and protecting vulnerable minorities.
Yet despite their contributions, the Kurds remain diplomatically marginalized.
In September 2021, a groundbreaking conference was held in Hewlêr (Erbil), the capital of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq, advocating for normalization with Israel. The question must be asked: If the Abraham Accords are acceptable for Arab states, why should they be off-limits or taboo for the Kurds?
While the Abraham Accords have largely been state-to-state agreements, the Kurdish context presents a different opportunity: a people-to-people, bottom-up model of normalization.
The Kurds do not have a fully sovereign state, but they are far from stateless. In Iraq, the KRG functions as a quasi-state, exercises broad autonomy and maintains formal relations with over 40 foreign diplomatic missions. Nothing prevents Israel from establishing a consulate or even an embassy in Hewlêr. In Syria, the Kurdish Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (commonly known as Rojava Kurdistan) governs over one-third of the country’s territory, operating under a disciplined, democratic and progressive system. Its armed forces — now formalized as the Syrian Democratic Forces and led by the strategic, committed and battle-hardened Commander-in-Chief Mazloum Abdi — continue to partner with the U.S.-led coalition.
American companies, under a deal with the Rojava self-administration, are undertaking efforts to modernize oil fields in northeastern Syria. Backed by the U.S. government, this agreement reinforces effective Rojava control not only over Kurdish-majority areas but also across broader parts of Syrian territory. Importantly, the deal was concluded with a non-state actor — a state-like entity that increasingly assumes international legal personality, acquiring both rights and responsibilities.
Despite lacking full international recognition, both Kurdish governments have the institutional capacity and political will to engage in international agreements. In practice, the Kurds have already acted as sovereign allies in counterterrorism, humanitarian coordination and reconstruction efforts.
Unlike the Arab regimes where normalization has struggled to reach public consciousness, the Kurdish context offers a rare opportunity for genuine bottom-up diplomacy. Kurdish governments have demonstrated an openness to partnership with Israel — not driven by elite calculation. This approach could serve as a new model of peacebuilding, where recognition and cooperation grow from the ground up, unconstrained by the rigidity of statehood and traditional diplomacy.
A Kurdish accession to the Abraham Accords — whether as a formal signatory or through a parallel framework — would recognize a simple truth: The Kurds are a legitimate nation, capable of peace, diplomacy and coexistence. They need not wait for Arab regimes, nor for an elusive final-status agreement in Syria or Iraq.
The legal pathways are available. The KRG has previously signed bilateral agreements and memoranda of understanding with multiple countries and international entities. The precedent is clear: Sub-state actors with stable governance, clear territorial control and international partnerships can enter agreements — even without formal statehood.
To operationalize Kurdish participation in the Accords, several models could be pursued. The KRG could host a trilateral summit with Israeli and American officials under a neutral “cooperation” framework. Alternatively, the U.S. could facilitate the creation of a “Special Partnership Status” within the Abraham Accords — reserved for autonomous regions or stateless nations with peace-oriented governance. The inclusion of Rojava self-rule under such a framework could begin with an informal memorandum of understanding on areas like agriculture, health care or cybersecurity, marking a historic breakthrough in regional diplomacy.
For Israel and its Western allies, this presents a strategic opportunity to deepen ties with a democratic, pro-Western and militarily responsible and capable ally. It would also send a powerful message: Peace is not the exclusive domain of capitals. It belongs to the nations who have fought and bled for it.
Recognition of Kurdish-Israeli relations should not remain hostage to outdated regional taboos. The Kurds can — and must — put their own signature on peace. In the volatile landscape of the Middle East, where alliances shift and regimes fall, the Kurds have proven their reliability time and again. In the face of any hostile state, they will remain a steady and trustworthy ally.
• Dr. Loqman Radpey, an expert on Kurdistan and the Middle East, is a fellow at the Middle East Forum. He has over a decade of experience analyzing the legal and political dimensions of conflicts in the Middle East, including the Kurdistani regions in Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Syria. He is the author of “Towards an Independent Kurdistan: Self-Determination in International Law’” (Routledge in 2023).
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