Like Trump, Polish conservatives fighting a stacked deck in election battle

OPINION:

When Donald Trump announced he would seek the U.S. presidency yet again in 2024, he faced what seemed like insurmountable odds.

Much of the U.S. media loathed him and reminded the public of it daily. Democrats enlisted the court system in an effort to destroy him, cripple his finances, shatter his reputation and perhaps even take his freedom. Blacks and Hispanics were told he was a racist. A would-be assassin came within a literal inch of fatally shooting him in the head. A second would-be assassin lined up his attempt just a couple of weeks later but was spotted by a vigilant Secret Service team.

Ironically, the more that was thrown at Mr. Trump, the stronger he and his candidacy became.

Despite all the static, all the noise and all the danger, Mr. Trump won. Big.

A remarkably biased media, a stacked judicial system, an effort to limit funds for his political messaging, dubious labels and claims — all designed to derail a conservative political movement. Could this happen anywhere other than in America?

Yes. In fact, it is happening right now.

In Poland, Prime Minister Donald Tusk came to power in 2023. Mr. Tusk leads the Civic Platform party, a pro-European group that readily cedes Poland’s authority over its own people and decisions to the European Union (EU). “Poland First”? Not words you’re likely to hear Mr. Tusk utter.

His party took power from the leadership of the Law and Justice party, a conservative group that believes the Polish government and courts should have the final say over Polish issues, not the EU. 

In other words: Poland First.

A new election is scheduled for this coming May and the political shenanigans being pulled by those currently holding power rival those leveled against Mr. Trump in 2024.

In Poland, funding for political parties is provided by the government, distributed to the parties depending on how many members they have in parliament. Law and Justice has an enormous presence in the parliament and is entitled to significant funding.

In 2024 however, Mr. Tusk, his administrators, and his political party decided there would be no funding for Law and Justice. None. After considerable objection, the Polish Supreme Court’s Supervisory Chamber said the funding had to be restored.

Mr. Tusk chose to ignore the ruling, however, claiming that the Supervisory Chamber, set up by the previous ruling party, was illegitimate. Mr. Tusk went further, not only ignoring the political funding decision, but declaring that all the chamber’s decisions for several years were suspect and not to be followed.

Among other things, the Supervisory Chamber is responsible for certifying the registration of candidates and the results of elections as legitimate. Failing to recognize its authority could have enormous consequences in the fair execution of Poland’s election in May. It might be worthwhile to ask the prime minister whether he was legitimately seated in 2023 if he doesn’t recognize the very body that certified his victory.

Even that was not enough.

In what can only be described as a naked grab for power, Mr. Tusk removed Dariusz Barski, Poland’s top prosecutor and a man who, by no small coincidence, believed he had found evidence of corruption in the prime minister’s Cabinet.

Poland’s Constitution says the top prosecutor may only be removed if the prime minister and the president agree on the removal. President Andrzej Duda did not agree, but Mr. Tusk had police authorities remove the prosecutor anyway. Poland’s Supreme Court ruled the dismissal was not constitutional and that the prosecutor must be reinstated. Again the prime minister refused to acknowledge the decision.

The media in Poland is in public hands, meaning the ruling party has sway over what appears on broadcast and in print. In the United States, CNN may lean heavily left, but the viewer and potential voter has the option of changing the channel to Fox News, which leans to the right. All sides are available over the airwaves.

In Poland there is only government-controlled news, thus potential voters may only hear what those in power want them to hear. This includes television, radio, print and online content.

There is an ongoing effort to fight the prime minister’s efforts to control everything. Bogdan Swieczkowski, the chief justice of Poland’s Supreme Court, formally called the Constitutional Tribunal, says Mr. Tusk is engaging in a coup d’etat. He put his claims in writing and forwarded them to prosecutors. In the first week of February, he outlined his concerns about the government disregarding court decisions and also concerns about forcible actions against the public prosecution office and the national media. Mr. Swieczkowski believes the law has clearly been broken. Whether his written words have any impact in the current chaotic environment remains to be seen.

What we do know is this: The party in power has tried to limit its main opposition by maneuvering them out of money, rigging the judiciary against them, ignoring the courts when convenient and controlling the message through all forms of media.

Sound familiar? The only question is whether the Polish public, like its brethren in America, see through the charade and will object on election day. The future of a great country may depend on it.