OPINION:
In light of President Trump’s deteriorating relationship with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his meeting this summer with Pakistan’s army chief takes on greater significance. Field Marshal Asim Munir is increasingly seen as one of the most influential figures in Pakistan’s strategic relationship with Washington and possibly the broader political and security trajectory of South Asia.
The June meeting, the first between a U.S. president and the head of Pakistan’s army, did not attract headlines. Mr. Munir is neither a showman nor overtly political. He is a career military officer and is said to be driven by discipline and discretion rather than polls. These qualities make him a natural partner for Mr. Trump, whose relations with foreign leaders tend to favor strong-willed, security-focused and discrete counterparts.
Since 2022, Mr. Munir has served as Pakistan’s chief of army staff, the highest-ranking position in the country’s military. The role has historically wielded outsize influence, demanding balance between domestic political affairs and persistent threats from groups such as the Balochistan Liberation Army and the Pakistani Taliban, particularly in the country’s western regions.
Although Mr. Munir has been instrumental in shaping Islamabad’s military strategy toward threats emanating from Afghanistan and Iran, his tenure took on new urgency after a terrorist group in Kashmir killed 19 tourists in late April. The attack led Mr. Modi to blame Pakistan and launch a military operation against its western neighbor.
The confrontation lasted four tense days, pushing the two nuclear-armed neighbors dangerously close to the brink of war until Mr. Trump intervened and brokered a ceasefire. Although Pakistan publicly acknowledged and thanked Mr. Trump for his role, Mr. Modi denied any U.S. involvement in mediating the conflict, despite the U.S. president having taken credit for the ceasefire more than 30 times to date.
Given Mr. Trump’s intense personalization of foreign relations, this likely further irritated the Trump-Modi relationship, which was beneficial for Mr. Munir.
As a result of the military operation, Mr. Munir received an unprecedented promotion to field marshal and experienced a surge in domestic popularity. He had been hailed as a leader with “nerves of steel” for delivering a symbolic victory. His stature abroad also rose, earning him newfound respect on the international stage.
Mr. Modi, by contrast, faced mounting challenges from a disgruntled Indian public reeling from a military setback against a smaller rival, penurious tariff threats and a strained personal relationship with the U.S. president.
The Trump administration sees value in improving relationships with Pakistan and moving away from the relatively antagonistic stance of the Biden administration. Mr. Munir seized the opportunity to revive robust ties with U.S. Central Command and the Pentagon, efforts that paid off when Pakistan received public praise during Mr. Trump’s first major address to Congress for capturing the mastermind behind the Abbey Gate bombing, a tragic episode that marred President Biden’s withdrawal from Afghanistan.
Mr. Trump’s sudden warming on Pakistan caught much of the Washington establishment off guard. Two days after Mr. Modi’s diplomatic snub at the Group of Seven summit in Canada, Mr. Trump personally met with Mr. Munir in Washington for an unprecedented closed-door lunch. The meeting reportedly focused on strengthening U.S.-Pakistani ties, particularly around counterterrorism cooperation and revitalizing Pakistan’s economy through foreign direct investment and trade.
Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif also rose to the occasion, making international headlines by becoming the first world leader to nominate Mr. Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. Among other reasons, he cited Mr. Trump’s role in averting a full-scale war between Pakistan and India. Rumored to be the idea of Mr. Munir, the fact of the nomination accepts that the U.S.-Pakistani relationship extends far beyond military and counterterrorism cooperation and includes assisting in tariff talks.
Mr. Trump, who often casts himself as the negotiator in chief, sees potential in Pakistan’s abundance of critical minerals and valuable resources such as rare earth materials, copper and emerging cryptocurrency markets. Although some might dismiss his recent outreach to Mr. Munir and endorse trade deals with Pakistan as a political jab at Mr. Modi, it’s hard to dismiss the upward trajectory of U.S. policy toward Pakistan under Mr. Trump, especially given the personal relationship developing between him and Mr. Munir.
The natural rapport between these two leaders should not be mistaken for complete alignment. Significant divergences remain, particularly on issues such as China and Afghanistan. The future of the Trump-Munir relationship will hinge on how these challenges are managed, and a rumored second trip to the U.S. will help Munir to make his case.
Mr. Trump wants good deals for the U.S., admires strong leaders and doesn’t want wars to disrupt economic gains. He understands the challenges coming from Russia and China and the importance of South Asia to confronting those challenges. He is also at odds with Mr. Modi over tariffs and snubs. For now, it appears he has found a foil to Mr. Modi and a partner in Mr. Munir.
• Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt (retired) is a former deputy assistant secretary of defense for Near East and South Asia and former assistant secretary of state for political-military affairs.
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